4 Lydia Maria Child

INTRODUCTION.

I have been induced to compile this brief narrative of the first settlement of New-England, with a view to exhibit the character of the native inhabitants in their courteous reception and treatment of our pilgrim fathers, unmixed with the civil and religious dissensions which then prevailed. It appeared to me that but little attention had been given to this portion of his tory, and that there had been a general misapprehension in reference to the conduct of the Indians, (from the vague and partial manner in which it is written,) in their intercourse and in the wars which ended in their entire discomfiture and subversion of their empire. It has also been my design to exhibit some of the most striking traits of Indian manners, and to prove, from the most authentic records, that the treatment they have met with from the usurpers of their soil has been, and continues to be, in direct violation of the religious and civil institutions which we have heretofore so nobly defended, and by which we profess to be governed; thus subjecting ourselves to have the finger of scorn pointed at us, for having so grossly violated the principles which form the basis of our government. This crooked and narrow-minded policy, which we have adopted in reference to the Indians, will assuredly subject us to the calamitous reverses which have fallen on other nations, whose path to empire has been marked by the blood and ruin of their fellow-men.

I have also endeavoured to show, by familiar instances, that, by the indulgence of a disposition to tyrannize over the weak, we deprive ourselves of all those social and best affections, which were bestowed on us by the gracious Fountain of all good to promote the present and everlasting felicity of his creatures. I ardently hope that this unvarnished tale, which I have offered to view, will impress our youth with the conviction of their obligation to alleviate, as much as is in their power, the sufferings of the generous and interesting race of men whom we have so un justly supplanted. I am moreover cheered by the hope, that men of talents and integrity, when they find that no hostile design was projected against the white men, until every pacific overture had failed of success, will be aroused from the torpid indifference with which they have hitherto witnessed the unexampled fate of the Indians, and nobly and fearlessly stand for ward in their defence.

The other subjects here discussed have all a reference to the main object I had in view; as it appeared to me highly important to demonstrate, (from their entire opposite tendency,) that the conduct and sanguinary institutions of the Jews, from which we have derived our crude and un worthy notions respecting the Deity, can have no connection with the pure and heavenly religion of Jesus.

The Cherokees have been publishing the speeches of Washington, “their venerated father, to his beloved children of that nation, wherein he urges them to quit the chase, and practise the arts of agriculture, and become herdsmen and artisans; with the assurance that, should they accede to the proposal, the United States would take them under their protection, and guarantee to them their land within specific limits. With a view to encourage them to be come herdsmen and cultivators of the soil, the United States agreed to furnish them gratuitously with domestic animals and implements of husbandry. The Cherokees have in pursuance of this advice become a civilized community, and have moreover parted with much land for the accommodation of the United States. Nevertheless, they are now urged to quit their territory, with all their improvements, and retire to the western wilds, where they must erelong miserably perish, to gratify the insatiable cupidity of the Georgians. If the craving rapacity of this state cannot otherwise be satisfied, it would assuredly be preferable to pay them an equivalent for their claims, which, setting aside all higher considerations, would require a sum less exorbitant than would be expended in their removal. These remarks are peculiarly applicable to all the Indians who border on the southern states. “What are state rights,” exclaims an indignant Cherokee chief, ‘in comparison to original possession, and inheritance from the King of kings?’^[1]

Lydia Maria Child, 1829

CONQUEST of THE PEQUODS.

Mother. Having concluded what I had to relate of our Southern Indians, I will now give you some account of those who inhabited this part of the country when it was first visited by our ancestors.

The Pequods, a powerful and intelligent people, who dwelt on the river Thames in Connecticut, had declined all intercourse with the English, as they were engaged in commerce with the Dutch, by whose instigation it was supposed the Pequods were forbidden to bring any of the English into their territory. These people were all destroyed in revenge of the death of captains Stone and Norton. Stone, the principal, had been guilty of the most atrocious offences, he had been imprisoned and ordered to leave the colony; nor is it probable that Norton was superior to Stone, or he would not have been his associate. It cannot be doubted that these men were the aggressors, from their subsequent con duct: we must therefore admit the testimony of the Pequods, in reference to the cause and manner of their disaster and death. The Pequods sent messengers of peace, with gifts, to the Massachusetts, explaining the cause of Stone’s death, and alleged that he had been justly slain for having seized some of their men, and compelled them to show him the way up their river ; and that the Pequods slew Stone and two others, who had come on shore, to rescue their own men. They also stated, that afterward the bark had been suddenly blown up by the explosion of gunpowder, which had been set in an open vessel to be more ready for use. This account does not appear to have been credited readily by the English, though it could not be denied, as none of the company belonging to the bark escaped the conflagration.” After a conference, which lasted many days, the governor and council concluded a peace with the Pequods, and agreed to trade with them as friends, which we are told they greatly desired. “The English of Massachusetts, after their peace with the Pequods, sent a bark thither for trade; but we are told they found them treacherous and false, and that no advantage was to be had by any commerce with them, insomuch as they took up a resolution never more to have to do with them.” The next year John Oldham, a contentious, turbulent man, who had for some time traded with the Indians, and had been treated not only with kindness but with great liberality, was found dead in his vessel, with many Indians on board, who were all destroyed, except two who escaped. No cause has been assigned for the death of Oldham ; but, from the temper of the man, it must be supposed he had done some great injury to those who had heretofore been his friends and benefactors. The Indians who committed this murder were supposed to be inhabitants of Block Island, which was subject to the Narragansets. Shortly after, messengers came from Canonicus, chief sachem of Narraganset, with a letter from Mr. Roger Williams to the governor, to certify what had befallen Mr. Oldham, and how grievously they were afflicted, and that Miantonimo was gone, with seventeen canoes and two hundred men, to take revenge, &c. A few days after, two boys belonging to Oldham were sent home by Miantonimo, with the goods found in the vessel; he likewise sent one of the Indians who escaped, the other being dead. The Eng lish, not being satisfied with all which had been done by the Narragansets, sent three of their principal men, with Cutshamekin, the sachem of Massachusetts, to Canonicus, to treat with him about the murder of Oldham. They return ed, being very well accepted, and with good success. They observed in the sachem much state, great command over his men, and marvellous wisdom in his answers, and the carriage of the whole treaty ; clearing himself and neighbours of the murder, and offering assistance for revenge of it, yet upon very safe and wary conditions.

Caroline. Had the Narragansets more than one king or sachem, mother?

Mother. We learn from Rev. Roger Williams that Canonicus was uncle and guardian to the young king Miantonimo, and that he resign ed the government to his nephew, on his coming of age. Miantonimo nevertheless consulted Canonicus on all occasions, and shared with him the honours of royalty. “They were,’ says Mr. Williams, ‘the best friends and kindest bene factors the colony ever had ; they kindly received, fed, and protected the first settlers, when they were in distress and were strangers and exiles, and all mankind else were their enemies.’ There were also many inferior chiefs who presided over separate districts, somewhat similar perhaps to our state governors. We find the names of six sachems subscribed to articles of peace between the Narragansets and the colonies, among whom is mentioned the old queen Quaiapen.

Eliza. You say, mother, that the English were not satisfied with having the property of Oldham returned, and the only Indian who had escaped death put into their hands to be punished as they thought right; what more did they require?

Mother. It appears that toward the end of the month after the embassy to the Narragansets, and two years after the death of Oldham, ‘the governor and council assembled the rest of the magistrates to advise with them about doing justice for the death of J. Oldham, and all agreeing that it should be at tempted with expedition, sent forth ninety men, under four commanders, and over all, as general, one of the assistants was sent. They were embarked in three pinnaces, and carried two shallops and two Indians with them. They had commission to put to death the men of Block Island, but to spare the women and children, and bring them away, and take pos session of the island.”

Caroline. But, mother, was not this order extremely cruel and unjust, and was it in reality put in execution?

Mother. It was so, as far as possible. ‘This armament set sail August 24, 1636, and arrived at Block Island, the last of the same month. The wind blowing hard, they had much difficulty in landing; about forty Indians were ready with their arrows, which they shot often at the men, who, being armed with corslets^[2], were not much hurt. As soon as one man leaped on shore, they all fled. The island is about ten miles long, and four broad; there were two plantations three miles asunder, and about sixty wigwams, some very large and fair, and above two hundred acres of corn, some gathered and laid on heaps, and the rest standing. When they had spent two days in searching the island, and could not find the Indians, they burnt their wigwams and all their mats, and some corn, and staved seven canoes, and departed. They could not tell what men they killed, but some were wounded and carried away by their fellows.’

Eliza. Of what use were the mats, which appear to be so abundant?

Mother. They were used to hang on the inside walls of their habitations, and they were also used as doors and windows ; in summer, the natives slept on them in the room of skins, some of these were curiously wrought, and made of very flexible materials, they served for a great variety of purposes, and much skill and ingenuity were displayed in their Structure.

Caroline. Is it not generally believed, mother, that the Indians are a vagrant, idle race, who have no settled place of abode, “here to-day, and there to-morrow,” wherever they can find subsistence? whenever I speak of the Indians, and compassionate their condition, I am asked how I can feel so much for these miserable hordes?

Mother. The Indians have been strangely misrepresented, either through ignorance or design, or both ; and men have given them selves little trouble to investigate the subject. People seldom forgive those whom they have wronged, and the first settlers appear to have fostered a mortal aversion to the Indians, whom they had barbarously destroyed. However strong were their convictions of the justice of their cause, however plausible were their arguments in defence of their usurpations, they were unable to silence the voice of conscience ; and they vainly attempted to escape from the remorse, which, with all its terrors, seizes on the hearts of the guilty, by redoubling their superstitious observances. They fasted and prayed, and the austerities, they imposed on themselves and others, destroyed in a great degree all social enjoyment; and, whilst they were systematically planning the destruction of the Indians, they were sharply engaged in discussing with each other points of faith altogether unimportant or in comprehensible.

Caroline. Did you not say, mother, that the Pequods were found to be false and treacherous, and that no advantage was to be gained by a commerce with them?

Mother. I simply repeated to you the words of the historians; in what manner they discovered the treachery is not related, but it is stated the Pequods were very desirous of having the English for their friends, as they were at war with the Dutch, and, a great rivalship subsisting between them and the Narragansets, they wished to strengthen them selves by a treaty with the English. By this treaty it was agreed that the Pequods should allow the English to settle in Connecticut, if they desired to plant there, to give them four hundred fathom of Wampumpeag, Indian money, and forty beaver, and thirty otter skins, and deliver up the men who were guilty of Stone’s death, when they should send for them, though the Indians insisted that he was slain in a just cause. By this it is apparent that they were willing to do much to secure the friendship of the English, who on their part agreed to trade with them as friends, and mediate a peace between them and the Narragansets. After the English of Massachusetts had sent a bark to trade with the Pequods, and found them, according to their own accounts, treacherous, &c. we hear of no other offence committed by them; nevertheless the forces sent to destroy Block Island, were ordered to go from thence to the Pequods, and demand the murderers of Stone and others, and one thousand fathom of wampum for damages, &c. and some of their children as hostages, which, if they refused, should be obtained by force.

Eliza. What damage had the Pequods done to the people of Massachusetts’ had they refused to give up the murderers, previous to this demand?

Mother. There is no record, to my knowledge, of any damage done by the Pequods, or of any demand previously made of the murderers; but as they were to be surrendered on condition of having the trade and friendship of the Massachusetts, which they had not obtained, they doubtless felt released on their part from a condition which they unwillingly subscribed to; nevertheless their presents had doubtless been received, and no opposition was made to the settlement of Connecticut by the Pequods, which rapidly advanced, previous to the assault here related, which I will read to you as recorded in Winthrop’s Journal;-After having received a reinforcement “of twenty men and two shallops, they sailed to Pequod harbour, where an Indian came to them in a canoe, and demanded who they were, and what they would have. The general told him he came from the governor of Massachusetts, to speak with their sachems. He told him, Sassacus was gone to Long Island. Then he bade him go and tell the other sachems, &c.; so he departed, and in the mean time our men landed, but with much danger, if the Indians had made use of their advantage, for all the shore was high, rugged rocks, &c. Then the messenger returned, and the Indians began to gather about our men, till there were about three hundred of them ; and some four hours passed while the messenger went to and fro, bringing still excuses for the sachem’s not coming. At last the general told the messenger, and the rest of the Indians near, the particulars of his commission, and sent him to tell the sachem, that if he would not come to him, nor yield to these demands, he would fight with them. The messenger told him that the sachem would meet him, if our men would lay down their arms, as his men should do their bows, &c. When the general saw they did but dally to gain time, he bade them begone and shift for themselves; for they had dared the English to come fight with them, and now they were come for that purpose. Thereupon they all withdrew. Some of our men would have made a shot at them, but the general would not suffer them; but when they were gone out of musket shot, he marched after them, supposing they would have stood to it awhile, as they did to the Dutch ; but they all fled, and shot at our men from the thickets and rocks, but did us no harm. Two of them our men killed, and hurt others; so they marched up to the town, and burnt all their wigwams and mats, but their corn, being stand ing, they could not spoil it. At night they returned to their vessels, and the next day they went ashore on the west side of the river, and burnt all their wigwams and spoiled their canoes, and set sail and came to Narraganset, where they landed their men, and on the 14th of October, 1636, they came all safe to Boston, which was esteemed a marvellous providence of God.”

Eliza. Is it possible, mother, that the people of Massachusetts should have acted thus? I can scarcely believe that the Pequods had not given them greater provocation.

Mother. It is certainly very pleasing to find no crime specified, or hostile disposition manifested by the Pequods, which would provoke this outrage, though it would have afforded some relief to our feelings had any excuse been alleged by the perpetrators of these barbarities; but on the contrary various acts are recorded of kindness shown to white people by the Indians, who rescued them from perishing with cold and hunger, and conveyed them in safety to their friends. Moreover, as a free intercourse was kept up between Connecticut and Massachusetts, the Pequods would have found many opportunities of injuring the whites, had they been so inclined ; even after this hostile incursion, no reprisal was made, except in self defence, and they are bitterly reproached by Hubbard for forcibly endeavouring to prevent the whites from stealing their corn, burning their meadows, &c. He also states, as a great grievance, that some people who had been sent from England to build a fort at the mouth of Connecticut river, and placed a convenient number of soldiers to secure the place, intending to plant in the spring, were, all the winter following, during the end of the year 1636, but little better than besieged by the said savages, not daring to stir out of the fort, but they were ready to be seized by these barbarous enemies.

Caroline. Why did not the Pequods endeavour by force, to prevent the people from Massachusetts from destroying their towns, when they found they would not lay aside their arms, and confer with their chief in peace?

Mother. The Indians soon perceived they had no chance for victory in the open field, against the arms and discipline of their experienced invaders; they could not approach near enough to do execution with their simple instruments of war, without the most imminent hazard. When the settlers had come to the determination to extirpate the Pequods, they deemed it essential to the success of the enterprise to enter into a treaty of allianée with the Narragansets, and thus secure their aid to subdue their ancient foe. While this was in contemplation, the Pequods, who were sensible of their danger, endeavoured to avert their impending fate, by representing to the Narragansets, the necessity of laying aside their mutual animosities, and joining in de fence of their common country. “They rep resented the English as strangers, who began to overspread the country, which would soon be possessed by them, to the depriving the ancient inhabitants of their right, if they were not timely prevented; and that the Narragansets would but make way for their own ruin, by helping to destroy the Pequods; for after themselves were subdued, it would not be long ere the Narragansets themselves would be rooted out; whereas if they would but join together against the English, they could demonstrate how they might easily be destroyed, or forced to leave the country, and that with out any danger to themselves; telling them also that they never need come to any open battles, they might destroy them by firing their houses, and killing their cattle, and lying in wait for them as they were about their ordinary occupations.’ Hubbard, from whom I have taken this, exclaims, ‘Machiavel him self, if he had sat in council, could not have insinuated stronger reasons to have persuaded them to a peace.’ It thus appears that the Indians early perceived the designs of the English, and that they themselves were wholly unequal to contend with them in open combat.

Eliza. What reply did the Narragansets make the Pequods, mother? I should like to know.

Mother. We hear of no direct reply; but are told that so much reason was apprehended in these motives, that the Narragansets were once wavering, and were almost persuaded to have granted an ear to their advice, and joined against the English, but that the desire of avenging themselves on their ancient enemies overcame all other considerations. Nevertheless we are assured by R. Williams, whose testimony cannot be doubted, that the Narragansets joined the English in consequence of his persuasions, as he greatly feared, had they joined the Pequods, the settlers would have been obliged to quit the country; be this as it may, it appears the only weakness of which Miantonimo can be accused. ‘Soon after Miantonimo came to Boston, being sent for by the governor, with two sons of Canonicus, and another sachem, and near twenty of their men, whom they call sannaps. The governor sent twenty musketeers to meet him at Roxbury. They came to Boston about noon, where the governor had called together all the magistrates and ministers to give countenance to their proceedings. After dinner, the sachem of Narraganset declared what he had to say to them, and a firm peace was concluded between them and their friends on either part, which was to continue to the posterity of both, and they agreed mutually to assist each other in the war against the Pequods. Cutshamakin also, the sachem of Massachusetts, subscribed those articles with the English.’

Eliza. I should suppose that having done so much to injure the Pequods, the English would have desisted, and allowed them to remain unmolested; why did they wish to exterminate them?

Mother. A strong desire to possess the land, and drive out the heathen inhabitants, as they styled the Indians, is manifested from the earliest records; no sooner had they gained strength for the enterprise, than they determined to accomplish their object. This disposition has been transmitted to their descendants, who appear to think themselves justified in following the example of men who have been so much extolled and venerated. The Georgians possessed large tracts of un settled land, before they seized on the territory of the Creeks. This pernicious example can not be too strongly reprobated, nor can we as christians defend our unjust and cruel usurpations. That the colonists were influenced by the motives I have mentioned, cannot, I think, be doubted, as the demand of a thousand fathoms of wampum, which it was scarcely possible the Pequods could procure, as the process of making it must of course be slow, and requires much ingenuity, and the proposal of sending their children as hostages, which would have entirely subjected them to the will of their adversaries, they must have been sensible would not be granted whilst the Pequods had power to resist oppression. It must also be remembered that these extravagant demands were made after the colonists had refused to comply with the engagements made on their part, and that no act of hostility had been committed by the Pequods after the treaty, till the violent assault was made on them by the colonists, and even then only in self defence. Had the Pequods quietly submitted to have their country ravaged, and fortresses built in their immediate vicinity to awe them into subjection, they must have been less than men. But it is alleged that some of the captives taken by the Pequods were cruelly tortured ; the name of one only is mentioned who suffered this treatment, which may have been done to terrify the whites from committing depredations on their territory. Reprisals were however made by the English, for we learn that the Indians in alliance with them “captured seven Pequods, five they killed, one they took alive, whom the English put to torture; and set all their heads upon the fort.” As the English thought it proper and right to follow this horrible ex ample, it should have silenced their invectives against barbarians. I shall not enter into all the dreadful details of the war against the Pequods, suffice it to say that they were suddenly attacked by surprise at break of day, in a fortress erected on the top of a hill, whilst many of their men were engaged in fishing.

Lydia Maria Child, 1829